Can an Order for Costs Be Reduced due to COVID-19’s Impact on Income? (2024)

Can an Order for Costs Be Reduced due to COVID-19’s Impact on Income?

In the recent case of Levin v. Levin, the Ontario Court of Appeal rejected an application to reduce the costs order requiring the husband to pay a portion of the wife’s legal expenses.

  1. Background: The Original Costs Order

In its previous endorsem*nt, the Superior Court of Justice referred to its discretionary assessment to determine costs based on any offers to settle submitted prior to trial and the date of which they were submitted to the other party. In Levin, the wife had submitted two offers to settle prior to trial; both of which the husband declined. Rule 18(14) of the Family Law Rules states that the wife is entitled to costs up until the date that the offer was served and fully recover costs from that date. In this case, the wife was only seeking costs relating to the date of the second offer to settle.

In its consideration of the issue, the Court assessed the husband’s application to dismiss costs at several stage of the case, namely: a motion, two trial management conferences, a mid-trial conference, and a third-party records motion. The Court responded as follows:

Should Mr. Levin be awarded costs for his motion returnable at trial?

[5] Mr. Levin states that Ms. Levin refused to attend for questioning on October 30, 2017, just days before the November trial sittings when the matter was expected to be called for trial, because he would be present at the questioning. He had to bring motion to preclude Ms. Levin from relying on the transcript of his questioning at the upcoming trial. He states that after the second trial management conference held on January 18, 2018, Ms. Levin abandoned her refusal to attend and agreed to be questioned in his presence. No consent or order was made withdrawing Mr. Levin’s claim for costs for the non-attendance or for the motion.

[6] Ms. Levin states that she agreed to be questioned only after McGee J. gave specific directions as to how Mr. Levin was to conduct himself. The issue became moot. The motion was never argued. No costs award was made against her.

[7]Rule 24(11) states that the failure of the court to determine costs or reserve costs after a step in the case does not prevent the court from awarding costs in relation to that step at a later stage in the case. At trial, there was some evidence regarding why Ms. Levin did not wish to be questioned in Mr. Levin’s presence. She is the successful party at trial. Accordingly, I decline to award Mr. Levin costs associated with this motion.

Should Ms. Levin be awarded costs of the trial management conferences held on July 20, 2017 and January 18, 2018?

[8] Mr. Levin states that the costs of these conferences were not reserved to the trial judge so they should not be awarded to Ms. Levin.

[9]Again, Rule 24(11) does not require that costs be reserved to the trial judge. She is the successful party at trial. Accordingly, I decline to deny her the costs of the trial management conferences.

Should Ms. Levin be awarded costs of the mid-trial conference?

[10] I suggested that the parties attend the mid-trial conference. It did not significantly lengthen the trial. The parties were unable to settle. Because Ms. Levin is the successful party at trial, the costs of the mid-trial conference are properly payable by Mr. Levin.

Should Ms. Levin be awarded the costs of the third party records motion?

[11] McGee J. reserved the costs of this motion to the trial judge. Mr. Levin states that no costs should be awarded to Ms. Levin for the motion. Ms. Levin had to bring this motion regardless of Mr. Levin’s position because he did not have authority to consent to it.

[12] I note that the result of this motion was that Mr. Levin’s partner, Helen Sanders, was ordered to produce certain financial records. McGee J. stated that trial unfairness would result if the records were not produced. Although Mr. Levin’s counsel did not represent Ms. Sanders and nobody attended for her, Mr. Levin opposed the motion. Mr. Levin states that Ms. Levin delayed in bringing this motion so it had to be heard on an urgent basis. The parties waited all day for the motion to be heard.

[13] This motion did not request an order against Mr. Levin. He correctly states that he could not consent to it. Ms. Sanders could have opposed the motion. She did not attend. Therefore, the motion could have proceeded on an uncontested basis which would have resulted in a modest amount of costs. The costs of this motion resulted from Mr. Levin’s opposition to it. The order was granted. Ms. Levin is entitled to the costs of this motion.

The Court concluded its assessment by taking into account the consequence that awarding costs would have on the husband’s financial situation. It was determined that the husband had earned considerably more than was declared within the relevant financial disclosure and concluded that the costs obligation would not be enough to seriously harm his financial situation in the long-term.

  1. Court of Appeal’s Ruling on COVID-19 Impact

The husband then brought an appeal seeking to overturn the trial judge’s original order relating to spousal support, child support, net family property, and costs. After this unsuccessful appeal, the wife sought further costs on a partial indemnity basis in the amount of $13,585.00.

The husband sought to reduce this amount to $10,000.00 by relying on the negative impact that the COVID-19 pandemic has had on his self-employment income. However, no proof of such economic repercussions due to the pandemic were submitted.

The Court of Appeal concluded that a reduction of $1,585.00 was reasonable in light of the appeal being heard in writing and not requiring in-person attendance.

Can an Order for Costs Be Reduced due to COVID-19’s Impact on Income? (2024)

FAQs

What is the cost impact of COVID? ›

Additionally, the global cost of the COVID-19 crisis has been estimated at 14% of the 2019 GDP (around US$12 206 million), while for Europe, it is even higher: 16% for the Eurozone and 19% for the UK.

How has COVID-19 affected financially? ›

From 2020 to 2023, the cumulative net economic output of the United States will amount to about $103 trillion. Without the pandemic, the total of GDP over those four years would have been $117 trillion – nearly 14% higher in inflation-adjusted 2020 dollars, according to our analysis.

How did COVID impact government spending? ›

In 2020, federal public health expenditures increased dramatically in response to the pandemic as the federal government increased funding for the development of COVID vaccines through Operation Warp Speed5, stockpiles of drugs and vaccines, and health facility preparedness.

How did COVID affect the economy? ›

The COVID-19 pandemic precipitated a devastatingly sharp contraction of economic activity and huge job losses in early 2020, as government restrictions and fear of the virus kept people at home and businesses shut.

What are the costs of the pandemic? ›

These studies indicate that the direct costs of COVID-19 span from US $860 million to US $8,657 million, while indirect costs range from US $610 million to US $5,500,000 million.

What is COVID-19 biggest impact? ›

The crisis had a dramatic impact on global poverty and inequality. Global poverty increased for the first time in a generation, and disproportionate income losses among disadvantaged populations led to a dramatic rise in inequality within and across countries.

How did the pandemic affect income? ›

Looking at the overall distribution of real income changes, as compared to only large declines, similarly highlights the dis-equalizing effects of the pandemic. Most working-age adults in the bottom quintile of the distribution had market income declines, with a median annual income change in 2020 of –2.7 percent.

What was the impact of COVID-19 on the wealth gap and the job market? ›

We conclude that the pandemic is likely to widen income inequality over the long run, because the lasting changes in work patterns, consumer demand, and production will benefit higher income groups and erode opportunities for some less advantaged groups. Telework has increased permanently.

Is COVID-19 a financial risk? ›

The cross-contagion and resonance of sectors may further induce systemic risks. Under COVID-19's impact, the real estate sector suffered from blocked payment collection, difficulties in capital turnover, and increased mortgage defaults caused by delayed resumption of work, which directly affected the financial sector.

Was COVID good for the economy? ›

Temporary policy changes made during the pandemic — in the Child Tax Credit, unemployment insurance, and food assistance, health, and housing programs — boosted the economy overall, shortening the recession, and drove significant gains against poverty, lack of health coverage, and hardship.

How did COVID-19 affect US debt? ›

From 1980 to 2019, the federal debt increased at an annual average rate of 5.6%. In 2020, it increased 18% compared with the year before as federal COVID-19 spending peaked. In 2021, the federal debt increased 2%, due to the government running a smaller deficit that year.

How much did the US spend in COVID? ›

In response to COVID-19, the federal government authorized an unprecedented $5 trillion in pandemic response spending. The majority of the prime recipients of this funding were located in the United States, however, approximately 2,000 prime recipients in 177 foreign countries received a total of $6.4 billion.

Is a recession coming in 2024? ›

Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell speaks during a news conference at the Federal Reserve in Washington, DC, on March 20, 2024. America's central bank doesn't see any signs of a recession on the horizon. Not this year nor the year after.

Will the economy recover in 2024? ›

In calendar year 2023, the U.S. economy grew faster than it did in 2022, even as inflation slowed. Economic growth is projected to slow in 2024 amid increased unemployment and lower inflation. CBO expects the Federal Reserve to respond by reducing interest rates, starting in the middle of the year.

What is an example of economic impact? ›

Economic impact studies estimate the total dollars, jobs, and household income generated in an economy due to a new activity; for example, a business coming to or growing in the region, a festival, construction of an event center.

How much money has COVID cost the US government? ›

How is total COVID-19 spending categorized?
AgencyTotal Budgetary ResourcesTotal Obligations
Department of the Treasury$1,642,029,793,615$1,502,934,559,809
Small Business Administration$957,098,815,075$948,488,928,415
Department of Labor$698,537,856,664$681,689,863,366
9 more rows

What is the impact of COVID-19 and inflation? ›

On net, the dominant pressure on inflation was clearly downward at the beginning of the pandemic. In the spring of 2021, however, prices for some items turned up sharply, and by the fall of 2021 the price increases had become widespread. By 2022, inflation had risen to levels not seen in 40 years.

What are all the impacts of COVID-19? ›

Organ damage could play a role. People who had severe illness with COVID-19 might experience organ damage affecting the heart, kidneys, skin and brain. Inflammation and problems with the immune system can also happen.

How did COVID affect the stock market? ›

Equity markets in the European Union and the United States dropped by as much as 30 percent between mid-February and mid-March. This is an extraordinary amount. To interpret this decline, it is useful to recall that the value of the stock market is equal to the sum of the discounted value of all future dividends.

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